The median age of first-time homebuyers in the US has been rising for decades, from around 28 in the late 1980s to a record high of 40 in late 2025. This is a problem, because many Americans build wealth using home equity—the difference between a home's market value and its remaining mortgage balance—by leveraging it for debt consolidation or investments such as buying rental property, starting a business, or even going back to college to qualify for better jobs.
Given the centrality of financial assets to the age-wealth gap, I created two charts for this post: one, the percent of household wealth attributable to financial assets, by age-group; and two, the average annual rate of return on financial assets over the period of 1983-2022, compared to other types of assets
The chart in the first post of this series showed the growing age-wealth gap over the period of 1983-2022. The following chart reveals a diverging homeownership rate for three age-groups over the same period:
In this series of posts, I’ll present charts that document Wolff’s main points: the age-wealth gap has been growing for decades and is huge; and differences in homeownership, stock holdings, and mortgage debt are the three main factors behind this age-related shift in relative wealth. The charts are my own creation, based on Wolff’s computations and tables.
Innovation is a primary driver of GDP growth, acting as an engine that increases productivity, creates new markets, and enhances efficiency. By applying new ideas and technologies, economies produce more goods and services with the same inputs, leading to higher wages, business profitability, and sustained economic expansion.
Alternative sources of investment mostly provide complementary and early-stage funding for start-ups. They certainly have a place but cannot entirely replace super-rich investors due to differences in flexibility, risk tolerance, scale, speed, priorities, time horizon, personal commitment and mentorship.
In contrast to institutional investors, the super-rich are well-positioned to take on the higher risks of young companies, provide patient funding for longer time horizons and offer hands-on guidance to foster innovation. And to quote AI: “Innovation is a primary driver of GDP growth, acting as an engine that increases productivity, creates new markets, and enhances efficiency.”
The economic benefits of high-net-worth individuals ("super-rich") investing in startups rather than ordinary people—typically via angel investing or venture capital—derive primarily from their ability to provide "patient capital" and absorb high risks without immediate pressure for returns.
Compared to other investors, the super-rich are more risk-tolerant, hands-on, and willing to make long-term commitments. They often favor private equity over public stocks and allocate more capital to illiquid investments.
If the super-rich sold large amounts of stock for a wealth tax, the shares would likely be absorbed by institutional investors (pension funds, mutual funds), sovereign wealth funds, corporate share buyback programs, and the broader, high-net-worth market.
A 5% wealth tax requiring billionaires to liquidate assets would likely force significant, consistent sell-offs of company stock, potentially diluting founder control, depressing share prices, and discouraging long-term, high-risk investments.
I’m ultimately interested in how a billionaire wealth tax would impact the US economy and American people. To answer that question, even tentatively, requires answering a lot of other questions.
Wealth is the sum of all tangible and intangible assets, minus liabilities and debt. Assets are specific items of value one owns that can be converted into a measurable medium of exchange, which I’ll just call “cash”. You need to convert assets into cash to pay taxes. Uncle Sam doesn’t accept yachts in lieu of cold, hard cash (speaking metaphorically of course; checks and electronic transfers are always welcome).
According the the College Board, first-time full-time students at public two-year colleges have been receiving enough grant aid to cover their tuition and fees since 2010, on average.
It’s almost Thanksgiving! Time to celebrate! In my case, that means less writing and more charts.
So how bad are we doing? Not so bad…yet. For example, upward mobility is alive and well in America. By that I mean most Americans move up the economic ladder from young adulthood to the peak earning years of late middle age, especially those who have graduated from high school, obtained at least some post-secondary training or education and worked mostly full-time. Take a look…
Just what is the American Dream? Depends on who you ask. Here’s a smattering of definitions, as well as some survey data on whether Americans still believe in the Dream, as defined by the survey makers and takers
And from a recent paper by real-estate economist Kholodilin, Konstantin, who has reviewed over 200 rent control studies, dating back decades and spanning six continents:
“The most prominent effects of rent control are decline of rents for controlled dwellings, reduced residential mobility, lower construction, lower quality of housing, higher rents for uncontrolled dwellings, and lower property prices.” - Kholodilin, Konstantin (2025) “The impact of governmental regulations on housing market: Findings of a meta-study of empirical literature”
While US studies often show a negative association, studies in Western Europe, where different labor relations systems are common, frequently find that unions do not depress innovation… An example would be in Denmark, where unions contribute to innovation and competitiveness through the cooperative "flexicurity" model. This model allows employers to hire and fire as needed to adapt to changing market conditions and adopt new technologies quickly, combined with the country’s strong social safety net that provides income security during job transitions, and government-funded training and education programs to help unemployed workers re-enter the workforce.
Based on the experience of OECD countries and the lower estimate given for a U.S. wealth tax by Saez and Zucman., I’m going to assume a wealth tax in the U.S. would bring in around 1.5% of total federal tax revenue on average. Last year the IRS collected close to $5 trillion in tax revenue. $5 trillion x 1.5% = $75 billion.